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.31.Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order(New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996).32.As an aside, this conceptual model of a segmented but universal global space,under the sway of global capital is surprisingly similar to the images that ImmanuelWallerstein and other world-system theorists have been constructing for sometime.See Immanuel Wallerstein, The Rise and Future Demise of the WorldCapitalist System, Comparative Studies in Society and History 16; 4 (1974).Hardtand Negri argue that their vision is more nuanced because they recognize that socialdivisions and geographical borders do not strictly correspond.But this point waswell recognized by world-system theorists, who rarely if ever employed the core/semi-periphery/periphery distinctions as hamfistedly as their critics claimed.Theyrecognized that within regions, elements of each sphere existed.To be fair, Hardthimself has recognized Empire s debt to previous theorists: Toni and I don t thinkof this as a very original book.We re putting together a variety of things that othershave said (quoted in Emily Eakin, What Is the Next Big Thing? Buzz is Growingfor Empire, New York Times, July 7, 2001).33.Christopher Clapham, Boundaries and States in the New African Order inRegionalisation in Africa: Integration and Disintegration, ed.D.Bach (London andBloomington, IN: James Currey/Indiana University Press, 1999); Paul Nugent andA.I.Asiwaju, eds., African Boundaries: Barriers, Conduits and Opportunities(London: Pinter, 1996).Yet, moving beyond considering only state borders, theseregions appear as a complicated web of socially constructed borders: linguistic,political, ethnic, cultural, economic, and so forth.At the end of the twentiethcentury, these boundaries were often more important than the borders of sovereignstates.34.Alex Callinicos, The Actuality of Imperialism, Millennium 31; 2 (2002):320.35.For example, they state that one of the multitude s political demands should be asocial wage and a guaranteed income for all (403; emphasis in original).While Ido not question the importance of such a demand, it reflects a Westerncentricunderstanding of labor and the multitude and appears unconnected to the livedexperiences and needs of many Africans who are not wage laborers.36.For their distinction between emancipation and liberation, see Hardt and Negri,362.37.Dunbar Moodie, Going for Gold: Men, Mines, and Migration (Berkeley, CA:University of California Press, 1994). AFRICA S AMBIGUOUS RELATION TO EMPIRE AND EMPIRE 16338.In its World Refugee Survey, 2000, the U.S.Committee for Refugees estimated thatthere are around 3.6 million refugees in Africa and around 10.6 million displacedpeople.39.Pico Iyer, The Global Soul (New York: Vintage, 2000).40.Robert D.Putman, Bowling Alone: America s Declining Social Capital, Journalof Democracy 6; 1 (1995).41.Nelson Kasfir, ed., Civil Society and Democracy in Africa (London: Frank Cass,1998); John Harbeson, Donald Rothchild, and Naomi Chazan, eds., Civil Societyand the State in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994); and Donald Rothchildand Naomi Chazan, eds., Precarious Balance: State and Society in Africa(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988).42.Philip Jenkins, The Next Christianity, The Atlantic Monthly 290; 3 (2002):54.43.Ibid.44.Ibid., 55.45.Ibid., 59. Intermezzo:The Theory & Event InterviewSovereignty, Multitudes, Absolute Democracy: ADiscussion between Michael Hardt and Thomas L.Dummabout Hardt s and Negri s EmpireThomas L.Dumm: First of all it seems important to ask; How is ProfessorNegri? When might he be released?Michael Hardt: Negri now has a work-release arrangement whereby he isfree to go where he pleases during the day but must returneach night to the Rebibbia prison near Rome.After spendingfourteen years in exile in France, he returned to Italy andprison in 1997 in the hope that he could both resolve his owncase and work for a general amnesty for all those accused ofcrimes on the basis of their political activities in the 1960sand seventies
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